Image: the Haitian Declaration of Independence, 1 January 1804.
[KREYOL AYISYEN ANBA]
When cane sugar was first imported into Europe, it was expensive. So expensive that those who could afford it, and who quickly learned of its propensity to rot teeth, would bare their caries-filled mouths with pride, as a status symbol, similar to the way overweight people are viewed with envy in Africa today, by their thinner fellow-citizens who live on the bread line. No fear, after the 15th century, exploration would soon have sugar being produced cheap enough for everyone’s teeth to be rotting: the achievement of perfect health democracy.
As a foodstuff with virtually zero nutrient content, aside from boosting blood sugar if you happen to be a mountaineer, sugar can safely be said to be the source of all our evils. It was responsible for the slave trade and it was responsible for corporate greed, for obesity, diabetes and other ancillary ailments. Sugar really doesn’t have a great track record, and yet we cannot stay away from the stuff. If you eat anything, anything at all, that is even mildly processed, you will be eating sugar. And we love it: we’re as addicted to it as we are to coke. More so, in your case, I’m sure.
Russians who take to the net to voice their concerns at us westeners (Всем привет! if you happen to be reading this from the Federation) often voice their prime concern as being enslaved by the west. An American gentleman has just topped the world record for the largest number of Big Mac hamburgers eaten in a lifetime, as he soared past the 34,000 mark. You might say that the guy is a slave to the Big Mac, but it isn’t that kind of slavery that Russians fret about. Not since McDonald’s quit Red Square, it isn’t.
Back in the 18th century, slavery was all about striking a deal with a West African, or Zanzibarian, tribal chief, with whom white slavers would cooperate to capture and enchain local men and women for shipment across the Atlantic Ocean to the Caribbean, or to US ports like Mobile, Alabama. The abolitionist movement that got underway in 1791 in two of the biggest nations implicated in the slave trade—Britain and France—called for a stop to the slave business based on conditions of morality.
The absence of morality from commerce is no modern phenomenon and it was just as lacking at the turn of the 19th century. With Wilberforce, Dundas and Livingstone pleading on the side of decency, the slavers on the other hand pleaded for the protection of their capital investment.
In this regard, the following four propositions may seem surprising:
No slaver should have ever received so much as a penny’s compensation for the release to freedom of his (or her) slaves, but not by dint of any moral argument, rather by dint of an argument grounded in trite natural law of everyday application.
The abolition of the slave trade was a very bad idea for slaves.
The slave revolt of 1791 to 1803 in Haiti was the worst thing that could have happened to Haiti.
Slavery may have been abolished, but it was never eliminated.
The fourth posit can be dealt with the quickest: the slavery cited by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in their Communist Manifesto is no illusion. Slavery is everywhere, even today, and not just in factories, but in prisons (the US correctional system’s policy has effectively been to take slaves from the cotton fields of the South and transfer them to work in the nation’s penitentiaries, and then to privatise the penitentiaries so that the corporations that would otherwise employ workers in exchange for a wage can profit from them as prisoners under their watchful control, for a fraction of the wage). However, these are crass and all-too-visible instances of modern slavery, as are the sneaker workshops of Thailand and the roll-neck sweater and squid factories of Laos, Bangladesh, Myanmar, China, North Korea and so forth. The most insidious form of slavery is that which involves no shipment of human beings across oceans and no overseer to whip their backs, though that does still happen (probably in the next town to where you live, when we look at the sex trade). Instead it is a form of slavery that doesn’t even require one to be anywhere near another human being or even the country where the slaves are at work: financial slavery. Development aid and loans, through the IMF and World Bank, by which tentacles of slavery are laid across the globe without anyone’s fingernails actually getting dirty. Not in the banking halls, at any rate.
Moving to the first posit, it rests on a simple notion of property: even if one accepts the idea that another human being can be owned (which is ultimately what the concept of employment boils down to), this is only legally acceptable if the human being in question consents to the enslavement. This may sound like an astonishing proposition, but it isn’t, since every employment contract in the world will have, not one, but two signatures at the bottom. We all consent to being enslaved, if only for a short while or within limited criteria or within a certain space. A person enslaved against their will is therefore stolen. If he be regarded as property, he is then stolen property. If he be regarded as a person, he is then kidnapped. Whilst ransoms were demanded in the past as a matter of the rules of war (ably illustrated by Shakespeare in his play Henry IV, Part One), enslavement is not a case of taking for ransom, since no ransom is ever demanded and no slave who was supposedly ransomed ever walked free, unless and in the rare cases, where his freedom was purchased, but such cases were very much the exception.
So, when the US constitution proclaimed virtuously that no man shall be deprived of his life, liberty or property without due process, one wonders why it did not proclaim that nor shall any man be endowed with life, liberty and property without due process. That which is not obtained by due process cannot be compensated for when it is confiscated. The pragmatist would answer that compensating the slave owners was the only way to get them to agree to give up their slaves. That’s as may be. But proffering money was not the means by which they procured their slaves (except to the tribal chiefs whose cooperation they thereby procured) and far more just would have been to dispossess the slave owners in the same manner in which they had themselves become possessed of their so-called chattels: at gunpoint.
Next, the abolition of the slave trade (under Britain’s 1807 act) led to the deaths of thousands of transported persons. A fleet of British naval vessels was sent to Africa’s west coast to intercept slave ships, which continued their, by then, illegal trade knowing that, once a slave was landed at his destination, no one could ever prove whether he’d arrived in the Caribbean prior to or after the act came into effect (especially if the bill of sale was falsified, which, in illegal trades, tends to be the case). When a slave ship was intercepted, therefore, the slaver would frequently simply dump the cargo in the ocean to avoid being caught red-handed. Much more compassionate would have been to outlaw slave ownership in one fell swoop.
Finally, to Haiti. When France’s Conventional Assembly was introducing its legal reforms in 1791, two years into France’s decade of Revolution, it issued a plethora of new legislation, all of which was, for the most part, inspired by the Enlightenment philosophers Montesquieu and di Beccaria. One such document was the Declaration of Rights, and France did propose an abolition of slavery throughout its colonies in line with the sentiments of that declaration. But slaver interests still prevailed. They prevailed with greater weight than the King’s own life. The Feuillants would be overruled by the Jacobins, so that Louis XVI went to the guillotine in 1793. France’s slave trading would not be abolished until 1848, except in one place: Haiti, whose slaves fought for their freedom in the only slave revolt in the history of the world to have resulted in the founding of a sovereign nation, which they achieved in 1804.
Haiti was the most productive of all the French colonies, such that it was dubbed the Pearl of the Antilles. In the intervening 220 years since that great day in 1804, Haiti’s great days have been few in number, its sorrows great and its losses incomprehensible. It has seen American occupation, Nepalese peace-keeping, cholera, earthquakes, gangland fighting, assassinations, party bickering and abject poverty. The proposed abolition of slavery that failed in the Conventional Assembly disheartened the slaves of Saint-Domingue (as Haiti was then known) so that they rose up in revolt. Who can blame them? Who can castigate their thirst for freedom? Who cannot but weep to think they’d have had it all as prescribed, as night follows day, and even easier than their peers in the US, if they’d simply waited another two generations. France took its pound of flesh in the form of foreign debt, and Citibank took its chance to refinance the burden of Haiti with burdens due to Wall Street. Yes, banks can invade countries as well as armies.
In view of the outrageous profiteering that has been practised upon Haiti and given its intractable problems in the modern day, and in the past few days, it is not beyond reason to demand that the infrastructure that the country has so badly lacked, that the political ineptitude that has so often been foisted on it, and that the weaponisation of its politics to the point of chaos be remedied at the cost of the beneficiaries: of the banks, of the invaders, of the colonisers who stole this nation’s population from the coastlines of Nigeria and Angola, no matter how many years ago. Slavery is a debt that never can prescribe.
Haiti’s slaves paid dearly for their freedom but they never received any compensation for their captivity. Now is the time for the west to cough up and demonstrate responsible government by demonstrating responsibility for a débâcle it so ravenously fuelled.
[HAITIAN CREOLE BELOW]
Lè yo te premye enpòte sik kann an Ewòp, li te chè. Tèlman chè ke moun ki te kapab peye l, epi ki te aprann byen vit sou tandans li pou dan pouri, ta montre bouch yo plen kari ak fyète, kòm yon senbòl estati, menm jan ak fason yo konsidere moun ki twò gwo ak jalouzi nan Lafrik jodi a, pa mens parèy-sitwayen yo ki ap viv sou liy lan pen. Pa bezwen pè, apre 15yèm syèk la, eksplorasyon ta byento gen sik yo te pwodwi ase bon mache pou dan tout moun yo dwe pouri: reyalizasyon demokrasi sante pafè.
Kòm yon manje ki gen nòmalman zewo kontni eleman nitritif, apa de ranfòse sik nan san si ou rive yon alpinè, sik ka san danje yo di yo se sous la nan tout mal nou yo. Li te responsab pou komès esklav la e li te responsab pou Evaris antrepriz, pou obezite, dyabèt ak lòt maladi oksilyè. Sugar reyèlman pa gen yon gwo dosye, e ankò nou pa ka rete lwen bagay la. Si ou manje anyen, anyen nan tout, ki se menm lejèman trete, ou pral manje sik. Epi nou renmen li: nou menm dejwe li menm jan ak coke. Plis konsa, nan ka ou a, mwen sèten.
Larisi ki pran rezo a pou vwa enkyetid yo nan nou oksidantal yo (Всем привет! si ou rive li sa a soti nan Federasyon an) souvan vwa enkyetid prensipal yo kòm yo te esklav pa lwès la. Yon mesye Ameriken fèk nan tèt rekò mondyal la pou pi gwo kantite anmbègè Big Mac yo te manje nan yon lavi, pandan li te monte pase 34,000 mak la. Ou ta ka di ke nèg la se yon esklav nan Big Mac a, men se pa sa ki kalite esklavaj ke Larisi enkyete sou. Pa depi McDonald's kite Red Square, li pa.
Nan 18tyèm syèk la, esklavaj se te tout pou fè yon kontra ak yon chèf tribi Afrik de Lwès, oswa Zanzibar, ak ki moun esklavaj blan ta kolabore pou kaptire ak anchaj gason ak fanm lokal yo pou transpòte atravè Oseyan Atlantik la nan Karayib la, oswa pou Pò US tankou Mobile, Alabama. Mouvman abolisyonis ki te kòmanse an 1791 nan de nan pi gwo nasyon ki te enplike nan komès esklav yo—Grann Bretay ak Lafrans—te mande pou yo sispann biznis esklav la baze sou kondisyon moralite.
Absans moralite nan komès pa gen okenn fenomèn modèn e li te menm manke nan vire 19yèm syèk la. Avèk Wilberforce, Dundas ak Livingstone ap plede sou bò decence, esklav yo nan lòt men an te plede pou pwoteksyon nan envestisman kapital yo.
Nan sans sa a, kat pwopozisyon sa yo ka sanble etone:
Okenn esklav pa ta dwe janm resevwa yon konpansasyon pou esklav li (oswa li) lage nan libète, men se pa pa fòs nan okenn agiman moral, pito pa fòs nan yon agiman ki baze sou lwa natirèl ki aplike chak jou.
Abolisyon komès esklav la se te yon trè move lide pou esklav.
Revòlt esklav 1791 rive 1803 ann Ayiti se pi move bagay ki te ka rive Ayiti.
Lesklavaj te ka aboli, men li pa t janm elimine.
Katriyèm pozisyon an ka fè fas ak pi rapid la: esklavaj la te site pa Karl Marx ak Friedrich Engels nan Manifès Kominis yo a se pa ilizyon. Esklavaj la toupatou, menm jodi a, epi se pa sèlman nan faktori, men nan prizon (politik sistèm koreksyonèl ameriken an se efektivman pran esklav nan jaden koton nan Sid la epi transfere yo nan travay nan penitansye nasyon an, epi answit privatize yo. penitansye yo pou kòporasyon yo ki ta anplwaye travayè yo an echanj pou yon salè ka pwofite sou yo kòm prizonye anba kontwòl veye yo, pou yon fraksyon nan salè a). Sepandan, sa yo se egzanp grosye ak twò vizib nan esklavaj modèn, menm jan ak atelye tenis yo nan Thailand ak chanday yo woule-kou ak faktori kalma nan Laos, Bangladèch, Myanma, Lachin, Kore di Nò ak sou sa. Fòm esklavaj ki pi trètr la se sa ki pa gen okenn chajman èt imen atravè oseyan e pa gen siveyan pou fwe do yo, menm si sa toujou rive (pwobableman nan pwochen vil kote w ap viv la, lè nou gade komès sèks la). Olye de sa, se yon fòm esklavaj ki pa menm mande pou yon moun dwe nenpòt kote tou pre yon lòt moun oswa menm peyi kote esklav yo ap travay: esklavaj finansye. Èd pou devlopman ak prè, atravè Fon Monetè Entènasyonal la ak Bank Mondyal, pa ki bra esklavaj yo mete atravè glòb la san zong pèsonn aktyèlman vin sal. Pa nan sal bankè yo, nan nenpòt ki pousantaj.
Ale nan premye pozisyon an, li chita sou yon senp nosyon de pwopriyete: menm si yon moun aksepte lide ke yon lòt moun ka posede (ki se finalman sa ki konsèp nan travay la klou desann nan), sa a se sèlman legalman akseptab si imen an. ke yo te nan kesyon konsantman nan esklavaj la. Sa a ka son tankou yon pwopozisyon etonan, men li pa, paske chak kontra travay nan mond lan pral gen, pa youn, men de siyati nan pati anba a. Nou tout dakò pou nou tounen esklav, si sèlman pou yon ti tan oswa nan kritè limite oswa nan yon sèten espas. Se poutèt sa yo vòlè yon moun ki esklav kont volonte yo. Si yo konsidere li kòm pwopriyete, li se yon pwopriyete yo vòlè. Si yo konsidere li kòm yon moun, li se lè sa a kidnape. Pandan ke ranson yo te mande nan tan lontan an kòm yon kesyon de règ yo nan lagè (ki te ilistre pa Shakespeare avèk bon konprann nan pyès teyat li Henry IV, Pati Premye), esklavaj se pa yon ka pou pran ranson, paske pa janm mande ranson e pa gen okenn esklav ki te swadizan ranson te janm mache gratis, sof si ak nan ka ki ra, kote libète li te achte, men ka sa yo te anpil eksepsyon an.
Kidonk, lè konstitisyon ameriken an te pwoklame vètye ke pèsonn pa ta dwe prive de vi, libète oswa pwopriyete li san yon pwosè lalwa, yon moun ap mande poukisa li pa t pwoklame ke okenn moun pa dwe doue ak lavi, libète ak pwopriyete san pwosedi lalwa. Sa ki pa jwenn nan yon pwosedi lalwa pa ka konpanse pou lè yo konfiske l. Pragmatis la ta reponn ke konpansasyon pwopriyetè esklav yo se sèl fason pou fè yo dakò bay esklav yo. Se jan sa ka. Men, bay lajan yo pa t mwayen pou yo te pwokire esklav yo (eksepte pou chèf tribi yo ke yo te jwenn koperasyon konsa) e pi plis jis ta dwe deposede mèt esklav yo menm jan yo te vin posede yo. sa yo rele chattels: nan zam.
Apre sa, abolisyon komès esklav la (anba lwa 1807 Grann Bretay la) te mennen nan lanmò plizyè milye moun ki te transpòte yo. Yon flòt veso naval Britanik yo te voye nan kòt lwès Afrik la pou entèsepte bato esklav yo, ki te kontinye komès ilegal yo, lè sa a, lè yo te konnen ke, yon fwa yo te debake yon esklav nan destinasyon li, pèsonn pa t janm ka pwouve si li te rive nan peyi a. Karayib anvan oswa apre zak la te antre anvigè (sitou si yo te falsifye bòdwo lavant lan, ki, nan komès ilegal, gen tandans fè sa). Lè yon bato esklav yo te entèsepte, se poutèt sa, esklav la souvan ta senpleman jete kago a nan oseyan an pou evite ke yo te kenbe nan men wouj. Pi plis konpasyon ta dwe entèdi posesyon esklav nan yon sèl kou.
Finalman, ann Ayiti. Lè Asanble Konvansyonèl Lafrans la t ap entwodwi refòm legal li yo an 1791, dezan nan deseni Revolisyon Lafrans la, li te pibliye yon kantite nouvo lejislasyon, yo tout te enspire pa filozòf Limyè Montesquieu ak di Beccaria. Youn nan dokiman sa yo se te Deklarasyon Dwa a, e Lafrans te pwopoze yon abolisyon esklavaj nan tout koloni li yo ann amoni ak santiman deklarasyon sa a. Men, enterè esklavaj toujou genyen. Yo te genyen pi gwo pwa pase lavi pwòp wa a. Feuillants yo t ap anile pa jakobin yo, konsa Louis XVI te ale nan gilotin an 1793. Komès esklav Lafrans pa t ap aboli jis nan 1848, eksepte nan yon sèl kote: Ayiti, ki esklav yo te goumen pou libète yo nan sèl revòlt esklav la nan la. istwa mond lan te lakòz fondasyon yon nasyon souveren, ke yo te reyalize an 1804.
Ayiti te pi pwodiktif nan tout koloni fransè yo, konsa yo te rele l 'Pèl Zantiy yo. Nan 220 ane ki te entèvni depi gwo jou sa a an 1804, gwo jou Ayiti yo te piti nan kantite, lapenn li yo te gwo e pèt li yo enkonpreyansib. Li te wè okipasyon Ameriken, mentyen lapè nan Nepal, kolera, tranblemanntè, batay gang, asasina, pati ak lamizè. Pwopozisyon abolisyon esklavaj la ki te echwe nan Asanble Konvansyonèl la te dekouraje esklav Sendomeng yo (tankou Ayiti te rele lè sa a) pou yo leve nan revòlt. Ki moun ki ka blame yo? Ki moun ki ka bat swaf yo pou libète? Ki moun ki pa ka pa kriye pou yo panse ke yo ta gen tout bagay sa yo preskri, kòm lannwit apre jou, e menm pi fasil pase kamarad yo nan peyi Etazini an, si yo ta tou senpleman tann yon lòt de jenerasyon. Lafrans te pran liv vyann li sou fòm dèt etranjè, epi Citibank te pwofite refinanse fado Ayiti a ak chay akòz Wall Street. Wi, bank yo ka anvayi peyi osi byen ke lame.
Nan sans nan pwofite ekzòbitan ki te pratike sou Ayiti ak nan pwoblèm insolubl li yo nan epòk la modèn, ak nan jou ki sot pase yo, li pa depase rezon pou mande ke enfrastrikti peyi a te manke anpil, ke politik la. ineptitid ki sitan souvan te mete sou li, e ke politik li a zam pou rive nan dezòd dwe remèd sou pri benefisyè yo: nan bank yo, nan anvayisè yo, nan kolonizatè yo ki te vòlè popilasyon nasyon sa a nan kòt yo. nan Nijerya ak Angola, pa gen pwoblèm konbyen ane de sa. Esklavaj se yon dèt ki pa janm ka preskri.
Esklav Ayiti yo te peye chè pou libète yo men yo pa janm resevwa okenn konpansasyon pou kaptivite yo. Kounye a se tan pou lwès la touse ak demontre responsab gouvènman an nan demontre responsablite pou yon debâcle li tèlman ravenously alimenté.